Social:Effects of pornography on young people

Short description: none

In 1973, the effects of pornography on young people became a subject of rigorous scientific inquiry, particularly with the advent of internet accessibility in the mid-1990s. But the precise classification of pornography remains a subject of ongoing debate. For teenagers, it has become a normal part of their lives due to easy accessibility and integration into their social circles. Discussing their experiences with pornography can be challenging for adolescents, as it's often seen as non-normative by society, which can lead to feelings of conflict, guilt, and shame.

Adolescents turn to pornography for learning amplified by insufficient sex education, arousal, mating motivations, coping mechanisms, alleviating boredom, entertainment, and to explore their sexual and gender identities. However, they may also encounter content that disturbs them. Without adequate support, they learn to navigate disconcerting material, developing the skills to seek out content that affirms their sexuality while avoiding that which causes discomfort. Without alternative narratives, they think it leads to harmful attitudes about women, sex, LGBTQ people, and people of color, and unrealistic expectations. The use of pornography by adolescents is associated with certain sexual attitudes and behaviors, but causal relationships remain unclear. It can be assumed that adolescents are not passive "fools" or "victims". The typical adolescent consumer of pornography is male, in advanced stages of puberty, sensation-seeking, and often grapples with weak or disrupted family relationships.

Definition and classification

The definition of pornography in research varies, with different terms used, such as "X-rated" or "erotica", and some studies refrain from providing a specific definition. Global legal definitions of pornography have evolved over time in different countries. In Austria, it is self-contained depictions of sexual acts, distorted in a graphic manner, and devoid of any external context of relationships in life. Similarly is in the United States a sexually explicit material judged to be obscene if, the average person, applying contemporary community standards, finds that the work as a whole appeals to prurient interest, the work depicts or describes sexual conduct in a patently offensive way; and the work taken as a whole lacks serious literary, artistic, political or scientific value.

The ages when it's legal to watch pornography are different per region, for example in Indonesia it's completely forbidden to use pornography, in the EU minors are not allowed to access pornography, while in Austria's Pornography Act permits depictions that could stimulate lust or mislead sexual drive for those over 16 on a national level, but Austria’s states forbid respectively material harmful to youth, pornography or depictions disregarding human dignity under 18. Switzerland generally permits pornography for those over 16.

History of the public debate in Austria

1715 - 1940: Protection from God's wrath and protection of youth

Protecting the youth from fornicating content in Austria goes back to the 17th century, with the advent of printing and the possibility of distributing printed matter on a larger scale, the authorities saw it as necessary to take action against pornographic writings, according to Emperor Charles the Sixth, the innocent youth is incited and seduced by pornography to evil, and annoyed, up to God Almighty, one had the concern that if one would not curb these writings, this would lead to the wrath of God and one would draw the judgment upon oneself. Over time, God became the public's sense of morality.

From the 20th century onwards, further laws were passed in Austria which stipulated that depictions "which endanger the moral welfare of youth by exploiting youthful instincts must be excluded from any distribution to persons under the age of eighteen" and that their "distribution by street vendors and newspaper distributors can be prohibited altogether". In 1929, youth protection regulations were enacted which criminalized (like § 2 PornA today) making "offensive" products accessible to under 16-year-olds. In 1934, it was decided that photographs and postcards depicting the naked human body in whole or in the main mustn’t be posted, displayed, distributed, advertised, etc. Not even if the image or the naked parts were covered, e.g. by black bars. However, this provision only applied to the public domain. Young children were exempt, as this was seen as something natural.

1950 - 1970: The "Pornography Act"

In 1950, the Pornography Act (correctly: "Federal Act of March 31, 1950 on the Combating of fornicating Publications and the Protection of Young People against Moral Danger") or "Smut and Trash Act" was enacted. This law is still the basis of Austrian pornography legislation today. The reason for this law was that the economy had been paralyzed after the Second World War and that the war had led to a shake-up of traditional views of morality. And the unhealthy life on the front, the exaggeration of the will to live and the attitude to life in the face of the constant threat of death, the deprivation of contact with the opposite sex (...), and the resulting enforced abstinence in the satisfaction of natural urges, but finally the understandable striving to finally enjoy the pleasures of life after years of suffering and grief, have created a formal addiction to living out, to unrestrained pleasure, especially in the area of sexual life. It was "in the interest of orderly coexistence" to establish "necessary barriers of morality and decency" in the state. Otherwise, there would be "a serious threat to the mental and moral health of the younger generation". The "Smut and Trash Act" was intended to "place the satisfaction of the sexual instinct within the bounds that have been created", because "works that serve no other purpose than to stimulate erotic sensations (...) are psychologically similar to drugs, in that they evoke heightened sensations of pleasure, which are particularly dangerous because they awaken the instincts that are often still present in the subconscious of youth".

All three parties in parliament (SPÖ, ÖVP, KPÖ) agreed to reject "filth and trash". But there were differences in the intensity of this rejection. The KPÖ MP Fischer described it as a "whimper on the body of the people", while the ÖVP MP Kranebitter reacted more drastically: "This corrosive spiritual food has been delivered to the remotest mountain valleys of Austria in order to seduce the youth of the peasantry into moral licentiousness and lack of stability. In this way, the forces of destruction laid the axe to the roots of the Austrian people. For if the peasantry, the blood and strength giver of the people, were seized by the plague bacilli of moral rot, then there would be no more resurrection and flourishing of Austria. (Strong applause from the ÖVP) With this law, the Austrian National Council is giving you an iron broom to remove the filth that is poisoning our youth to the core. Do not use this instrument of purification timidly and leniently, so that the dirt and filth does not escape from under and beside the paragraph and remain there for the further pestilence of the youth soul and public health and for the dishonor of women's dignity and the entire fatherland! (...) Through the radical application of paragraphs 1 and 2 of this law, also destroy the breeding grounds of the plague bacilli of moral decay from which so much corruption has already flowed from our people!". The SPÖ had a different focus: they were in favor of the law, but considered appropriate sexual education to be a priority. In their opinion, young people should not have to resort to this "dark and dirty literature" if they were properly educated.

The Pornography Act no longer only prohibited nudity (and contraceptives), as the 1934 ordinance had done. Instead, the focus was on the aspect of "profit-seeking" in a sexual context. This change led to a tightening of the provisions for the protection of minors. The law was no longer only aimed at "fornicating" content, but also included content that could "endanger the moral or health development of young people by stimulating sexual desire or misleading the sexual instinct". The concept of "offensive" content was broader than that of "fornicating" content. While the mere depiction of the naked body was not in itself considered "fornicating" - hence an ordinance to combat such depictions was issued in 1934 in addition to Section 516 of the Criminal Code - such a depiction, especially with an erotic pose, could be considered "offensive". This fell under Art. VI of the 1929 amendment to the Criminal Code and later under Section 2 of the Pornography Act. A naked body was only considered fornicating if "the entire nature of the depiction, such as the appearance or posture of the persons depicted, particularly emphasizes the sexual sphere, clearly and obtrusively (...) draws the viewer's attention to these parts of the body in particular and thereby creates a relationship to sexual life".

In 1929, it was only a criminal offense to show an indecent film to a person under the age of 16 in return for payment. Later, the condition of payment was dropped and the ban was extended to other performances and events such as plays. In addition, the concept of "indecency" was tightened: from overstimulation or misdirection of sexual feeling to endangering moral or mental health by stimulating lust or misleading the sexual instinct in accordance with the Pornography Act (§ 2). Whereas in 1929 depictions with an erotic reference (without the ability to mislead the sexual instinct, for example through allusions to deviant sexual behavior) were only "offensive" if they overstimulated the sexual feeling, any stimulation of lust, no matter how small, was now punishable under the Porn Act 1950. The link to endangering moral or health development was regarded as a formal requirement, although the legislation generally believed that sexual arousal and stimulation posed a serious risk to young people. Compared to 1929, the punishment was also made more severe. The maximum penalty for violating the law was doubled from three to six months imprisonment. SPÖ MP Strasser saw the law as protection for older people, as according to statistics he cited, it was mainly older people who consumed pornography.

1970 - 2000: Social change

In 1970, it was determined which depictions were to be classified as pornographic and had a shocking or repulsive effect on the (unintentionally) confronted "average person" or could endanger minors. Pornography was defined as a depiction that was isolated, separated from other life contexts and showed luridly distorted depictions of sexual acts. Content that did not meet these criteria was considered "erotic". The depictions were considered fornicating if they significantly impaired public image through involuntary confrontation or accessibility to minors or threatened to be viewed by minors. This case law, which according to the court was understood to be in line with the values of society, has led to the sale of pornographic materials being permitted in tobacconists, newsagents and novel shops, but not if the age of the customer is uncontrollable for the sender, e.g. in the mail order business. In 2000, the Loben Regional Court ruled that the broadcasting of pornography was permitted if the broadcasting times were between 0.00 and 4.00 a.m. and it was pointed out at the beginning of the films that "minors have no access to this television program". In 1973 research about teenagers and pornography started, and became more widespread in the mid-1990s, with the advent of internet accessibility.

When assessing offensiveness, case law has always referred back to the "normal, healthy average person", for whom it should depend on whether a depiction is "likely to endanger a normally developed person under the age of sixteen by stimulating lust or misleading the sexual instinct". What a young person considers appropriate was not relevant, as a young person is characterized by an extraordinary thirst for experience. Therefore, according to the court, a "strict standard" should be applied when exhibiting pictures of dancing couples in poses that are particularly sexually appealing to young people. Because the ("normal") adolescent is characterized by "high instability of the mental state, hunger for experience and (...) breakthrough of the sex drive". During this time, young people should be "protected from unfavorable influences" in order to make them "mature for their true tasks in life". In 1961, as a result of liberalization, the Supreme Court ruled that a "depiction of a heavily cleavage-baring woman" was not harmful to minors if the "sexual stimulation of young people emanating from it does not exceed the degree of sexual stimulation to which young people are exposed in everyday life". In 1974, the opposite viewpoint was adopted again: "When examining the requirements of Section 2 PornA (...) the reasonable limit for young people should be judged according to today's daily sensory overload and thus also the dulling of the general public". According to this ruling, the average person was understood to be an "open-minded, sociologically and socially open-minded" person.

Whereas previously a mere "erotic effect that is closely related to sexuality" was sufficient, which was always the case if an "image is in any way related to sexuality and is therefore capable of evoking sexual impressions relating to sexual life in young persons under the age of 16", the Supreme Court, in an explicit departure from previous case law, now no longer allowed an "erotic association per se" or the "mere arousal of curiosity" to suffice. From then on, there were "stimulus effects", "evocation of sexual impressions" or "stimulus influences" that were "unobjectionable" for under 16-year-olds. Only the triggering of associations "in the sense of exaggerated sexual ideas" was punishable under § 2 PornA. In assessing whether this was the case, the "physical posture" and "facial expression" continued to be decisive. In 2000, the Leoben Regional Court ruled that the producer of "offensive" broadcasts cannot hold the broadcasting company (or the person responsible for it) liable under Section 2 because the broadcast is not made available by him, but solely by the person who has the television set. This is of great importance because, according to this legal opinion, the providers of "offensive" content on the Internet would probably also be exempt from any responsibility under Section 2 PornA and the owners would be solely responsible for the computers on which the young people are sitting.

Demography

When adolescents view pornography, it may be intentional through, for example, independent searching, or unintentional, such as through advertising on the Internet or spam emails.

When adolescents view pornography, it may be intentional (e.g.) independent searching or unintentional (e.g.) advertising on the Internet or spam emails. The incidence of use ranges from 7% to 98%, depending on the study and the group studied. Methodological differences, technological changes, and cultural context have been cited as reasons for this difference. Male adolescents with autism viewed pornography less often than neurotypical adolescents (ASD 41% vs. neurotypical 76%) and/or masturbated less regularly with pornography (ASD 39% vs. neurotypical 76%). In contrast, no difference was found among female adolescents. Age of first use ranges from 6 to 19 years for heterosexual adolescents, with an average age of 11 years for boys and 12 years for girls. First use of pornography ranges from 6 to 17 years for LGBTQ adolescents. The frequency of use among LGBTQ youth in the literature is often contradictory, with some studies reporting higher frequency than heterosexual youth and others not. How many adolescents come into contact with violence in pornography is unclear; in one survey, about three percent of adolescents have consumed pornography with violence. In another survey, this figure was 29% for boys and 16% for girls. In the U.S., the most common forms of pornography among urban, low-income, black, and Hispanic youth were depictions of heterosexual sex, and in rarer cases, more extreme forms of pornography, such as humiliation, bestiality, bondage, and bukkake.

An Umbrella Review stated on this aspect of the types of pornography teens use: "More research is needed on the types of pornography teens use, rather than relying on speculation and opinion. It should be assumed that adolescents are not passive "fools" or "victims" but are critical of social norms (such as the social expectation to disapprove of pornography) and depictions in pornography that are misogynistic, showing fetishization of lesbians, transgender people, and non-binary people which is only made for cisgender heterosexual men’s pleasure which perpetuates male dominance and the oppression of women, is racist, homophobic, transphobic, or violent, non-consensual, lack love or intimacy, follow beauty ideals, show little neglected groups, and show superficial depictions that only refer to sexual acts and genitals." Some youth tended to overestimate their own ability to critically evaluate pornography and to ignore ethical concerns about the pornography industry.

Girls are more repulsed by pornography and view it as silly and disgusting, having a negative attitude, and some felt that performers were forced to perform certain acts. While men tend to be less critical and reluctant to discuss the gender-specific effects of pornography.

Predictors

Predictors (forecasting characteristics) are characteristics that predict increased use of pornography. Here, only intentional use of pornography is considered. Predictive characteristics change when access to pornography changes (e.g., through restricted access) or when the cultural context changes (e.g., where use is or is not socially normal).

Demographic factors

Compared to their female counterparts, male adolescents use pornography more frequently. These gender differences in the use of pornography are less pronounced in more liberal countries than in less liberal countries. No differences were found in the use of Internet pornography with themes of affection, dominance, or violence. Bisexual or homosexual male adolescents are more likely to use Internet pornography than heterosexual male adolescents.

Inadequate or lack of sexual education or sexual information regarding mechanics of intercourse or genitalia have been associated with an increased use of pornography. This is especially important to consider for LGBTQ youth, whose sexual activities are rarely included in sex education programs. When it comes to the influence of use on academic performance, results are mixed, with some studies finding an association and others finding no association.

Personality factors

Sensation-seeking adolescents use pornography more frequently than their peers. However, there is no influence of sensation-seeking on the choice of Internet pornography themes (i.e., affection, dominance, violence). Coping predicted greater use of pornography. Similarly, adolescents with lower self-control consumed more Internet pornography. For self-esteem, results were mixed. Lower perceived autonomy was associated with more frequent pornography use, as was greater self-efficacy. Adolescents with a hyperfeminine or hypermasculine gender orientation were more likely to come into contact with violent depictions in Internet pornography than adolescents without such a hypergender orientation. Stereotype beliefs predicted more frequent use of Internet pornography over time, while permissive attitudes didn't. The association for stereotype beliefs was significantly stronger among male adolescents than female adolescents and was mediated by a preference for pornography. Neither sexual engagement, sexual insecurity, nor sexual dissatisfaction consistently predicted Internet pornography use.

Youth who break rules or who use psychotropic substances are more likely to use pornography. Pornography use is most characteristic of a group of youth referred to as "minor offenders." For religious youth and those who attend religious schools, the results are contradictory. Some studies showed that pornography use is lower among religious youth. This is associated with religiosity being associated with higher self-control, more negative attitudes toward pornography, and feeling that viewing pornography violates social expectations and norms. Lower use was not observed in other studies. Whether adolescents were in school and living with both parents was unrelated to pornography use. Negative attitudes toward school as well as having friends who engage in deviant activities have been associated with greater use of Internet pornography.

Adolescents with a greater sexual interest, as well as those who also used sexual content in other media, are also more likely to be exposed to Internet pornography. Use of Internet pornography is higher among adolescents with better digital skills, while pornography use is not related to adolescents' computer skills. Internet pornography use appears to be lower when filtering software is installed. Adolescents who used Internet pornography more frequently also used the Internet more frequently in general and for a variety of activities, including file sharing, sex education, talking to strangers, playing Internet games, and buying merchandise.

Developmental factors

Some studies showed that pornography use increases with age, while others found no such increase. Younger adolescents seem to respond more strongly to Internet pornography with the theme of affection, while older adolescents respond more strongly to pornography with the theme of dominance. More frequent use of Internet pornography occurs in both boys and girls with advanced puberty. Greater sexual experience was associated with more frequent use of Internet pornography, and in another study, less frequent use of Internet pornography among girls. Competencies such as the ability to solve problems, set goals, make effective behavioral decisions, and act accordingly were associated with more frequent pornography use. In contrast, positive youth development traits (e.g., social competence, self-efficacy, and moral competence) were associated with less frequent pornography use, both on the Internet and in less traditional media.

Social factors

Lower family commitment, poor family functioning in general, and especially lower family reciprocity were associated with greater pornography use. The same was true for poor emotional attachment to the caregiver (for Internet pornography) and for caregivers using disciplinary coercion (for traditional pornography). In addition, family conflict and poor family communication were related to higher Internet and traditional pornography use mediated by less positive youth development. Weaker prosocial attitudes were also related to more frequent pornography use. Restrictive parental monitoring with blocking software installed was associated with less pornography use on the Internet. When young people want to access preferred pornography, they also manage to get past payment barriers, identity verification, and website blocking by parents and schools. These barriers were not perceived as deterrents by young people and could be easily overcome if desired. In contrast, parental control and talking to children about Internet pornography is not related to Internet pornography use.

More frequent use of online pornography occurs when the majority of the youth's friends were younger, when the youth used the Internet at their friends' homes, when they communicated more frequently with their friends about pornography (males only), and when peers perceived them to use pornography (females only). Use on mobile devices occurs clustered among people who are more popular with same- or opposite-sex peers or among people who have a desire for popularity or experience peer pressure. Peer attachment is unrelated to adolescent use of Internet pornography. In terms of victimization, adolescents are more likely to use Internet pornography if they have been harassed online and victimized in their offline lives.

Overall, adolescents who use pornography the most are male, sensation-seeking adolescents at an advanced stage of puberty, with weak or dysfunctional family relationships.

Motivations

Adolescents turn to internet pornography for various reasons, including:

• Curiosity and seeking information about Sex and sexual organs, sex positions/-roles, bodies and behaviors how to behave, and how to masturbate and ejaculate. Pornography serves as a way to learn without the risks associated with actual sexual activity. Initially driven by curiosity about sex and pornography, adolescents later use pornography to understand sexual roles and expectations. It also provides a platform to study different sexual mechanisms and techniques of certain and new sexual acts. However, this is less of a reason to consume pornography, especially for frequent users. The usefulness of new information can predict how engaged individuals are with it. While seeking information ranks lower in frequency compared to arousal and pleasure, it remains more prevalent among males, but it’s still unclear which exact subgroups of youth use pornography to learn about sex and sexuality. Adolescents feel that traditional sex education falls short in addressing their questions, making pornography a valuable source of information, because sex education was limited, focusing only on STDs, pregnancy risk, and heterosexual sex, or got skipped. For adolescents, pornography has increased value because it provided information that was not present in sex education. Adolescents saw pornography as an unavoidable or necessary source of information. Suggestions about sex education, include expanding sexual education to critically evaluate pornography, discussing consent, reducing the shame associated with viewing pornography, relationship management, and negotiation skills, and how to learn how to satisfy yourself and your partner. This should also address body image, sexual expectations, and prioritize physical and mental well-being, in terms of pleasure and sexual functioning. Adolescents emphasize the need for open and factual discussions about sex, both with adults and to stimulate discussions in small groups of trusted peers.
• Arousal and Amplification, a significant driving force behind pornography use, especially among boys, is its reinforcement of masturbation and the fulfillment of sexual desires. Adolescents sometimes use it as a substitute for intimacy after a breakup or when a partner is unavailable.
• Intimacy and Mate-seeking Motives: Young people reported discussing or viewing pornography with a romantic partner, often to increase sexual desire and satisfaction. But, not everyone sees shared consumption as normal. Some young women view it as a potential threat to the relationship and may not be comfortable integrating pornography into their partnerships, especially if pressured, to use pornography. Shared consumption still tends to adhere to traditional gender roles, with young men more inclined towards it and young women focusing on factors like context, privacy and regulation. For some women, consuming pornography is only acceptable within a relationship, which can indirectly pressure their consumption habits to deal with pornography outside of socially accepted contexts to protect their privacy and reduce stigma.
• Coping Mechanism: Apart from sexual arousal, a significant reason for using pornography is to cope with and alleviate negative emotions. Helping to manage psychological distress, loneliness, and discomfort. It is suggested as an potential causal relationship between lower mood states and the utilization of pornography as a coping strategy.
• Boredom and Entertainment: Boredom is a common trigger for engaging with pornography, as individuals often seek stimulating activities to alleviate this state. Seeking entertainment, is another motivation that is more common among boys, and in male groups. Watching pornography with peers allows young individuals to gauge others reactions, helping establish social norms around its consumption, as well as determine specific behaviors, experiences, or bodies seen in pornography. In some cases, family members like fathers or cousins served as initial sources of exposure to pornography, driven by a desire to promote heterosexual behaviors and discourage same-sex activities.
• Sexual and Gender Identity: LGBTQ youth often use pornography to explore and affirm their sexual or gender identities, gravitating towards content that resonates with them. It serves as a crucial tool for validating their sexual orientation, especially for those who feel marginalized in mainstream narratives. Pornography also acts as a means to gauge their readiness to engage in LGBTQ activities. Initially, they found and used internet pornography as their primary source of information about LGBTQ activities, considering pornography as a kind of "guide" for sexual experiences. Pornography was the only source on LGBTQ sexual activity. If these videos include educational content (e.g., contraception during sexual activity, sexual consent, mutual sexual pleasure), could it be particularly valuable. However, they express a willingness to seek out other sources if such information becomes more readily available online or is covered more extensively in schools or by parents. As LGBTQ youth become more informed about LGBTQ activities, their use of pornography aligns more with their peers. They also view pornography as a "safe space" for sexual exploration and expression, providing a sense of validation for sexual identities and feelings that may face stigma in mainstream culture, especially those of young women and young people with LGBTQ+ identities.

Effects of pornography

Surveys are the main method for studying the effects of pornography on adolescents, due to legal and/or ethical constraints preventing experimental research. In these surveys, young individuals openly discuss their pornography use, for one study author, this indicated a "shift in the position (of pornography) as perverse, deviant, or shameful." The research is based on establishing correlations, which allows for making assumptions about causality but doesn't conclusively prove it (a correlation does not imply causality). This means that it is not possible to draw conclusions about whether the contexts are a consequence or a cause of viewing pornography. It could for example be, that consuming pornography causes certain beliefs or if it's the other way around, or if multiple factors contribute to a particular belief. There's also the possibility that the observed correlation is coincidental.

Most studies come from affluent countries like the Netherlands and Sweden, making it challenging to generalize the findings to more sexually conservative nations. Research on pornography often concentrates on potential negative effects, largely neglecting positive ones, this can be justified by theoretical considerations and by cultural concerns of the public. Public debates about adolescents' pornography use often oversimplify how it influences them, assuming that adolescents are uncritical consumers while adults are seen as more discerning. It's unclear which adolescents are most affected by these associations, and there's limited information about the impact on LGBTQ youth. Some behaviors linked to pornography, like casual sex, permissive attitudes, anal sex, or a larger number of partners, may have associated risks under certain circumstances, but they're not inherently harmful. Studies vary in their findings, making it uncertain whether research can definitively answer all questions about the impact of pornography on adolescents.

Sexual behavior

Sexual behavior in adolescents refers to:

• Engaging in sexual intercourse and different sexual practices.
• Casual sexual behavior (non-committed relationships).
• Involvement in sexual risk behavior (increasing adverse consequences).
• Perpetration and victimization of sexual aggression.

Adolescent pornography consumption predicted greater sexual engagement, greater sexual insecurity, and greater sexual dissatisfaction, and is linked to sexual intercourse (anal sex, oral sex, sexual encounters, sexual desire, earlier sexual initiation, sex with prostitutes/partners/friends), more experience with casual sex, and a higher likelihood of exercise or experiencing especially among female adolescents. However, there isn't any evidence connecting frequent pornography consumption to a wider range of sexual practices. Meaningful evidence linking pornography and sexual risk behaviors is lacking.

It's important to note that these findings are rough, incomplete approximations. On average, adolescents did not have frequent sexual intercourse. This means that porn use among adolescents is more likely to be related to a low frequency of these behaviors rather than their massive occurrence. The extent of sexual aggression and victimization varies. Pornography use is also associated with higher likelihood of talking online about sex with strangers, and fantasizing about trying to copy sexual acts seen in pornography, with some adolescents mimicking what they see. No definitive conclusions can be drawn regarding unprotected or paid sex, but teenage pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases have been associated with pornography use.

Gender stereotypical beliefs and permissive behaviors

Gender stereotypical beliefs are understood as a belief that traditional, stereotypical ideas about male and female gender roles and gender relations dominate. These beliefs cover, progressive attitudes towards gender roles, conceptions of women as sexual objects, gender stereotypical beliefs about power imbalance in sexual relationships, and beliefs about gender equality. Pornography consumption prediced stronger stereotype beliefs over time, but not acceptance of rape myths or genderd sexual roles in emerging adulthood, and is overall linked to less progressive sexual beliefs, but the beliefs are low.

Permissive sexual behaviors are understood as a positive attitude towards casual sex, often outside of non-binding situations, and romantic relationships. Use of Internet pornography predicted permissive attitudes, and the use is associated with permissive sexual behaviors, however, the impact is generally low. It is, therefore, possible to speak of a relationship between more frequent pornography use and less strict (rather than more permissive) sexual attitudes.

Perceived realism

Adolescents generally view pornography neither as (socially) realistic nor a useful source of sexual information compared to real-life experiences. However, more frequent consumption of pornography can lead to a perception of it as being "less unrealistic." Some find it to be a reliable source of information if useful content is present. They exhibit "porn literacy," showing critical thinking skills which teens say can be put to better use the older you are and the more experience you have.

The differences between pornography and real sexual situations, according to the adolescents, were: Messages about sex, the body, pleasure, and "risky" sexual acts, the lack of emotion, exaggerated appearance and performance, long duration of sex, the speed of sex, sexual aggression, the roles of women and men in pornography, the inappropriate portrayals of marginalized identities, the loveless content, and the abstinence from condoms were described as unrealistic and misleading. Teens described the content as more show than real sex. This was also echoed by youth who have not seen pornography. Some youth were concerned that other consumers (but not themselves), might draw false lessons or unrealistic expectations (through the third-person effect) from pornography and might experience physical harm from replicating pornography.

Sexual self-development

Adolescent sexual self-exploration covers a range of factors including sexual insecurity, depression through pornography, self-objectification and the internalization of beauty ideals, body monitoring, adolescent self-image and body image, preoccupation with sexual issues, sexual dissatisfaction, sexual self-development, sexual arousal, and sexual experiences. Research suggests a connection between pornography use and these aspects, but definitive correlations have not been established. The use of pornography by young people has shown associations with reduced anxiety related to early sexual experiences, higher sexual satisfaction in firm and loose relationships, and increased comfort in discussing sex. Some individuals find that viewing bodies in pornography, especially in amateur content, can boost self-esteem.

Problematic pornography use

Problematic pornography use (PPU), is understood as a pattern of pornography viewing which causes significant distress to the individual personally, relationally, socially, educationally, or occupationally. The prevalence of PPU by adolescents, lies at under 5%. Frequent users of pornography are more likely to show symptoms of PPU. Higher levels of depressive symptomatology in adolescent boys, and sexual interest, predicted increase in compulsive use of pornographic material over time. Baseline levels and subsequent growth in pornography use subsequently predicted higher levels of PPU, independent of religiosity, negative emotions, and impulsivity. Higher frequency of pornography use is associated with higher probability of suffering from CSB. LGBTQ-Adolescents aren’t more likely to develop PPU.

Experiences

Arab Adolescents grapple with complex emotions regarding pornography. Some experience guilt and shame, struggling to reconcile the emotional and physiological benefits of pornography with their criticisms of the ethics of pornography and the lack of social acceptance of pornography and sexuality in general. Support mechanisms for discussing negative experiences with pornography are lacking. Many parents avoid conversations about it, and adolescents fear punishment if caught so that adults are perceived as ambivalent or uncertain if they had any questions or curiosity about pornography. Some parents avoid conversations about pornography and sex. Peer discussions on the topic are also limited. Some adolescents who participated in studies were only able to discuss their concerns in the studies they participated in because they would not have had the opportunity to do so before. These studies acted as interventions.

Open communication and good relationships are seen as crucial in helping adolescents control their consumption. Better conversations about sex and pornography are believed to improve attitudes about sex, reduce stigma, and prevent abuse, reduce the motivation to consume pornography and to show trust and respect to young people. Some adolescents believe that they have the skills to avoid unwanted pornographic content and to mitigate conflicting feelings and potential consequences that may result from viewing pornography. Along with this, they described being able to avoid unwanted content and deal with their negative feelings. Without such discussions and other perspectives, adolescents feel that that leads to pressure to engage in certain sexual acts, lower self-esteem, mismatched expectations, and disappointment in a sexual experience or unnecessary physical pain, normalization of violence, harassment, coercion, and assault. Some women experienced coercion and harassment.

Other

The impact of pornography on adolescents versus adults is still unclear. Risky sexual behavior and certain gender stereotypes linked to pornography were observed in adults, but not in adolescents. Both groups showed a connection between pornography and permissive sexual attitudes. It is suggested that adolescents' brains might be more sensitive to explicit material, but due to a lack of research this question cannot be answered definitively.

There are considerable ethical problems with performing some kinds of research on the effects of pornography use on minors. For example, Rory Reid (UCLA) declared, "Universities don't want their name on the front page of a newspaper for an unethical study exposing minors to porn."

The PhD thesis of Marleen J.E. Katayama-Klaassen (2020), at the University of Amsterdam, found a low correlation between pornography and significant effects on youth, and could not show causality. Miranda Horvath, researcher in a 2013 study regarding minors and pornography, also stated: "But it is not possible to establish causation from correlational studies, and to say whether pornography is changing or reinforcing attitudes."

Peter and Valkenburg's (2016) systematic review concluded that: its positive conclusions are tentative, and causality cannot be shown. Brown and Wisco's (2019) systematic review concluded similar findings as them.

A 2021 review which compiled evidence from other empirical sources such as surveys found that representations of women in pornography may lead adolescent boys to view women as sexual objects, with disregard and disrespect for gender equality. The review, however, does not claim anywhere proving a causal relationship of consuming pornography and changing views of sexual objectification or gender inequality.

See also

• Child pornography
• Exploitation of women in mass media
• Feminist views on pornography
• Harmful to Minors
• Influence of mass media
• Internet addiction disorder
• Media and American adolescent sexuality
• Not in Front of the Children
• Pornography addiction
• Religious views on pornography
• Sexting

Works cited

• Jochen Peter & Patti M. Valkenburg (2016) Adolescents and Pornography: A Review of 20 Years of Research In: The Journal of Sex Research, 53:4-5, 509–531, March doi:10.1080/00224499.2016.1143441 (free full text) (PDF)
• Amy J. Peterson, Gillian K. Silver, Heather A. Bell, Stephanie A. Guinosso & Karin K. Coyle (2023) Young People’s Views on Pornography and Their Sexual Development, Attitudes, and Behaviors: A Systematic Review and Synthesis of Qualitative Research, American Journal of Sexuality Education, 18:2, 171–209, doi:10.1080/15546128.2022.2096163
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